Friday, October 4, 2013

Across The Plains With The Gold Seekers

The following is an account of my Great Great Grandfather's trip to the California gold fields in 1852 from Grant County, Wisconsin to Shasta City, California.
 
ACROSS THE PLAINS WITH THE GOLD SEEKERS
Written at the solicitation of the Wabaunsee County Historical Society
By William Horne             

(Born June 30, 1833, died Sept. 27, 1915.)

William H. Horne (possibly his marriage photo c. 1857)



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bout the year 1836 my father[1]  and his family, consisting of my mother[2], my infant bother Jacob[3], who grew up and lived for many years in Wabaunsee county, and  myself, a three year old boy, emigrated from Germany to America. The family located for a few years in Illinois, and then moved to Grant County, the southwestern county of Wisconsin, where in a few years my father died. A few years thereafter my mother married again, my stepfather’s name being George Hefner. The family continued to live in Grant county, Wisconsin, until after the discovery of gold in California. Some of the western pioneers — settlers in the neighboring territory to us — had gone the year before across the plains by ox team in quest of their fortune, to be made by gold digging. Reports coming back from the gold fields were exiting, and my stepfather caught the gold fever so bad that he determined to leave home for California the next spring (1850). He went then, entrusting our mother to the care of us boys. I was then past seventeen years old, Jakie about fourteen, and a younger brother about six or seven. This younger brother Louis died in the army during the Civil War.

Gold coin from 1849
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n the spring of 1850, and before my stepfather left, I was satisfied I had the gold fever myself pretty bad, but I did not dare say anything about it around home for a while, and yet I began planning to get ready to start in a year or two. In the summers of 1850 and 1851 I took contracts to break, and broke 200 acres of prairie with five yoke of old oxen our family owned. In part pay for this work I managed to take three yoke of young oxen, which I broke myself and claimed as my own. Such cattle were pretty cheap then.  

A Yoke of Oxen
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ow in the autumn of 1851 I needed my mother’s consent to cross the plains to the gold fields the next spring, and had partially arranged with companions to make the trip with me. It was usual for three or four persons to unite to go with a wagon and three or four yoke of oxen. Three yoke were enough, though some went with four. I had agreed with two companions, who understood that I must get my mother’s consent. These were a cousin of mine, Fred Horne[4], aged about 35 years, and an ex-Mexican war veteran named Charles Pickett, both neighbors, and whom my mother knew to be honest and worthy people. I told my mother my intentions for the next spring, my arrangements with my companions and who they were, and that I had the three yoke of oxen and that in our arrangements the oxen were to remain mine at the end of the journey, and that we jointly were to contribute the wagon and provisions and camping outfit. I told her that I did not ask much help from her, and that if she tried to prevent my going I would sell the oxen and get the money for them and join some other outfit and go. She made no objections to my going beyond saying she feared the other boys—my brothers—could not be helpful enough at home.

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fter this Fred Horne and Charles Pickett frequently came to our house, and preparations for the trip across the plains went forward. We planned to start early, as we knew the trip to be ordinarily an all summer’s journey, and that the trip started as late as in the spring as May 15th might find us stranded in the late fall in the Sierra Nevada Mountains.

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n March 21, 1852, I having passed my nineteenth birthday on the 29th of June in the previous year, my companions and I, with our ox teams and fully equipped for the trip, crossed the Mississippi river at Dubuque, Iowa, en route for Shasta, California, and a narrative of our experiences on the trip made 59 years ago this summer (1911) is here attempted.

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rom Dubuque we crossed the state of Iowa, aiming at Council Bluffs[5] , then also known as Camsville, 320 miles distant, and arriving there we found collected a large number of ox teams in charge of gold seekers, and they were waiting because it was claimed by them that the grass was not started to have sufficient grazing. We also laid over there with them about two weeks,and then, as the grass was still

Kanesville. Aka Council Bluffs Crossing at the Missouri River

too scanty to start, it was agreed by the company and a train boss, or road pilot, to whom the others looked as being the big chief of the expedition, that if nearly all the company in charge of teams would buy and carry

A California Trail Wagon Train
 along from 15 to 20 bushels of corn to help support the cattle, the expedition might start in a day or two, and that all those who would not buy corn must start with some later expedition. Nearly all immediately bought the required amount of corn there in Council Bluffs, and on the fifth of May our expedition crossed the Missouri river on a hand ferry boat, a caravan of about 80 wagons with three or four yoke of oxen to the wagon. We followed the trend of the Platte River, and while passing through the Pawnee Indian[6] country about 70 or 80 Pawnee bucks and squaws closely followed our train and gathered up the droppings of our cattle and washed the corn out of it and ate it.

A Pawnee Indian Camp
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efore getting through this Pawnee country we had to cross a creek over a bridge which I understand the U.S. government had built. This creek we believed to be impassable otherwise for a great distance, and when we came to the place of the bridge we found the plank removed from the bridge and carried a short distance to the west side of the creek. More than a few Pawnees were about there, and when we had to stop a few representatives of the Indians came to us and said, as I was informed, that we had no right to go through their country without their consent, and that they wanted pay for the privilege they were now ready to give us to go further. They said they asked 25 of our oxen and all the corn we had left in our wagons. The oxen we could not well have spared, but the corn we had left we could spare, as the grazing for our cattle was now sufficient. We held a kind of council among us and all agreed to offer the Pawnees all the corn we had—and the aggregate in the 80 wagons was no small quantity—and also a cow which someone in the train had found and which some earlier train had probably lost. They accepted this offer and allowed us to put the plank on the bridge and go on.

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fter this we had no more trouble with the Indians. The Sioux never troubled us. We went forward and arrived at Ft. Laramie[7]—except that the fort was on the opposite side of the river—and that on the

Fort Laramie, Wyoming. Across the North Platte River
morning before we reached the fort an incident happened that detached the three lead wagons from the train—my wagon being ahead of all. This happened because quite a few of the wagons in the train contained women and children; and such wagons, or some of them, were invariably slow in getting ready to start with the train in the morning. It was customary, after plenty of time was allowed our oxen to graze in the morning and for everyone to have their breakfasts, for the train master to give a call which meant to yoke up your oxen. This was always punctually done by the teams in the forward half of the train unless the drivers felt they did not need to be in a hurry because of the fact that the women passengers on his wagon would not be ready when the team was yoked up. The order to yoke up had been given and the drivers were yoking up, and the train boss rode up to my wagon, which was one of the most forward ones, and told me that he assigned my wagon to lead the train that day, and he designated a couple other teams that could easily drop in behind me to fall in after me, but we were not to pull out until he gave the signal from back along the line when everybody was about ready. After waiting for the signal to pull out probably five minutes, it came, and I pulled out in the lead, and the nearby wagons fell in behind as directed, and the whole train seemed to us to have started, and so far as we could see it had. We had driven probably a quarter of a mile when the train boss came riding up to near the front and signaled us (the front teams) to stop.

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e had anticipated such an occurrence every day, and when we saw the wagon boss riding forward this time the drivers and occupants of the wagons behind me (there were no women in them) called to me in an undertone, “go on, go on,” and I did not stop, for I felt the same disgust they felt. All the wagons behind the forward three stopped at the signal, but we three drove on. The train boss, seeing that we were ignoring him, rode after us until he was sure that we meant to free ourselves of the delays of his management, when he told us to “go to h---“ and turned back. One of our party replied to him that we wanted to get to California sometime. The boss went back and we went on, and after a day or two the rear division of the original train never came in sight of us again. I had a guide book of the overland route, and I believe every wagon had one, and except that my wagon was aiming for Shasta, and one other misadventure, we ought not have got lost.

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ur three wagons continued on along the Platte, and from a place called the Devil’s Gate[8]  we followed the Sweetwater[9] to its head, and were above the timber line. Here the ground was frozen hard in July, when we were there. While passing over this frozen ground we had to bake our bread

The Devil’s Gate beyond Independence Rock
 in trenches. We dug in the frozen ground, as our bread pans would not bake well in coals on the surface. We were on this frozen ground two days before we could get beyond it. Proceeding, we crossed the Little Sandy and Big Sandy rivers and came to what our guide book described as a desert 55 miles wide and without water or grass[10].  Before entering this desert we gave our cattle a good rest, intending to cross by one continuous drive. We started into it at four o’clock one afternoon, and at midnight we stopped to make some coffee and rest the cattle a little. We drank the coffee and gave each steer a gallon of water, and started forward. We got over the desert and to Green River[11] about sundown the next day. Here for two days we rested the cattle. The Mormons had a ferry, controlled by rope, across Green River, and we had to pay $7 a wagon to cross on it, while the cattle had to swim. Going forward from here we came to the Bear River Mountains, which we crossed. We found the descent so steep that we had to take one wagon down before we could start to take another down. We locked both hind wheels and tied a rope to the rear axle, and all the spare men of the three wagons pulled back while the driver governed the cattle.

Bear River Mountains
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oing on, we came to Bear River, where we found the mosquitoes so bad that the cattle could not eat and we could build no fire. We tied our cattle to the wagons to hold them and let them fight the mosquitoes, while we covered up and stayed all night without the cattle getting anything to eat. A white steer that belonged to me looked altogether black in his covering of mosquitoes. We moved on from here a few days and came to a strong ebbing and flowing spring near the Bear River, where we camped over Sunday. A few Ute Indians, about a dozen families, were camped there when we arrived. This spring had a perpendicular outlet, and flowed with such force as to throw out stones as large as our heads, which we threw into it at its ebb. While we were resting here over Sunday, we noticed our Indian friends with all their families, women and children, go into the Bear River valley, each carrying a stick. We watched them to see what they were about and we watched as they turned to the level valley land we saw that they were driving something. We could not see from our distance what they were driving, so we went to them and saw that they were

Wingless Grasshopper
driving large wingless grasshoppers, many of which were as large as a man’s thumb. They drove them into a large hole that had some water in it, and then they gathered weeds and grass and trash, which they threw into the hole and set fire to it. This killed the grasshoppers and then the Indians began to eat them. I think they had 8 or 10 bushels of them.

A River Crossing
 
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e left this place the next morning, and the next considerable stream we came to was the Snake River. We went down this river a couple of days, and our trail crossed over it about 25 times in one day’s travel. After we left the Snake River we crossed a little divide, and struck the head of Humbolt[12], and followed this river down about 80 miles, and there we met a company of civil engineers or surveyors coming toward us. They had just laid out from the west end of the route a new trail to Shasta City, and they furnished me with a chart, as a guide book, on a sheet of paper of this new route. This new route was called Noble cutoff[13]. My wagon, with myself and two companions took this

Noble’s Emigrant Trail Route
 new route from here. The other two wagons continued on the trail toward Sacramento City. We did not realize the risk we were assuming, and so for 300 miles we three comrades pushed on alone through an Indian country across the Sierra Nevada mountains—a whole month’s travel. I have often thought over this fool-hardy venture and as often concluded that I would never take such a risk again of being killed by the Indians for all of California[14]. When we had traveled this route about 25 miles we came to a place called Black Rock Springs[15], and at this point the new route intersected the route taken by the ‘49ers. Here a great train of the gold seekers of ’49 were snowed in and could get no further, and all would have perished as did their cattle and some of the people, had not some territorial officers in California heard of their plight, and soldiers with mules were sent there to break a trail for them to walk out and go on foot.

Black Rock Desert, Nevada. West of Winnemucca
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ere was one of the most sensational scenes I ever witnessed. Many hundreds of the carcasses of the dead cattle, though dead nearly three years, lay around, many with the hides still covering the bones. In the dry climate of that region they had merely dried up, rather than decayed. The ox yokes lay all around, and there stood hundreds of abandoned wagons. Inside and outside these wagons were great quantities of carpenter tools, blacksmith tools, and other implements. The misfortune of these people resulted from their starting too late to get across the mountains before the snows of the coming winter set in. They did not know anything of the character of the trail, and many of the wagons were too large and too heavily loaded and they had thus all retarded the progress of the train. From this place, Black Rock Springs, our route was entirely based on the chart the surveyors had given us.

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e set out early the next morning on this new route, and stopped for the first day at a place nine miles out, where there was a small lake[16]. Here my two companions and I came to the conclusion that we could take our wagon no further and must abandon it, because the sage brush was so low, so thick and so heavy that we could hardly draw our wagon over them. We cut up our wagon box and made pack saddles from it for our oxen, and this caused us a day’s delay. The next day we packed our oxen (we had lost one and had five left) and only four of these were gentle enough to break into this new service easily. The fifth was a wild, unbreakable beast and would not submit to the pack saddle, bucking and on this account we had to leave some things behind that we wished to take along. One of these things was a feather bed my mother had given me, and Mr. Pickett, seeing that I was going to leave this, asked if I would consent to his taking it on the steer without a pack saddle. I told him, “certainly.” So we caught the steer and strapped it on him so we thought the sage brush would not interfere with it, but the steer when turned loose fought the light burden with his horns and got it out of position, and tore it and strewed our new route with feathers for much of the day’s travel.

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rom this lake where we abandoned the wagon the first camping place on our new chart and route was 21 miles distant, and we had to start pretty early to make it, and even then we failed to reach the place as expected. We hoped to reach this camping place in 11 hours travel but when we had traveled that long we were on a salt plain with the salt an inch thick. We were very thirsty and had seen no water on the way.

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e could not stop, and went on until six o’clock, and now my cousin, Fred Horne, was exhausted and could go no further. We knew our companion was all in when he told us so. This made our situation very embarrassing. We had to leave him and move on to reach a mountain in sight and distant about a mile, which indicated water by a little greenness about its base[17].

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ickett and I, with the cattle, went forward, and about night we got to a place where the new trail went up a mountain. Pickett said he could go no further and that he was going to lie down there, and that he was so near dead that he did not expect to get up again. Pickett and the cattle lay down there, and I took my canteen and went up the trail. The moon was nearly full, and there was twilight yet, so I could see some. It was about a mile to the top of this mountain by the trail, and elevation I judge was about 1000 feet.

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rom there, by the remaining twilight and the moonlight, I imagined I could see green timber not far to the left, and if this were so, there would probably be water there, so I abandoned the trail and went in that direction. The distance, however, was about a mile, and the timber was there and a dry run, but no water. I followed this run quite a piece until I came in sight of an opening or canyon between two mountains, and was now so much exhausted myself as to make up my mind to go there and if I found no water by the time I got there I would lie down and possibly go no further. The distance to this place proved to be about half a mile and there I found a pretty little lake[18] of snow water as cold as ice. Here, too, was the station  21 miles from where we had started in the morning. I judge it was considerably later than ten o’clock when I reached this lake of water,  because being very tired and carrying a heavy rifle and groping in the semi-darkness over much of the distance I had to go very slow in places.

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 immediately satisfied my thirst by taking many little drinks of this invigorating water, during which time I got about five minutes rest, and then I filled my canteen and started back to Pickett and the cattle, saddened now by the thought of Fred Horne, whom we had left exhausted  a few miles further back. My trip back to Pickett was slow, and I judge it was nearly one o’clock when I got back to him. I gave him a drink, but did not let him drink all the water because Fred Horne might come up to us there. We got so roused contemplating the situation that we lost all desire for sleep, and it could not have been far from daylight when we decided to eat a bite of breakfast and then I take Pickett and the cattle to the lake, where they could rest, while I would try to find Fred, if he had not come up to us by that time. We did this, and now about six o’clock in the morning and I then left Pickett and the cattle at the lake and started back with my gun to where, in the early part of the night, I reached the top of the mountain and made the digression from the trail that led me to the lake. I traveled back to this point over the route I had gone along in the night, and missed meeting Fred on his way to overtake us by not following the trail from the lake back. Here I discharged my gun four times, assured that Fred, who had his gun with him, would answer by discharging it if he heard mine. I heard no response, and Fred was probably at the station at the time. So I went back to the station to make a better understanding with Pickett for a more continued absence which I might make a further search for Fred, but we were reunited and happy.

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 have hundreds of times since then thought over this incident and our perplexity at the time. None of us three men thought otherwise than that we could, with our pack oxen, travel over a trail marked for plainsmen, go 21 miles in about 12 hours, or that an extra hour or two would signify much to us; but here we realized it with alarm. Walking all the way ourselves and wearing ourselves out crowding the oxen forward, we hardly made an average rate of a mile and a quarter an hour during the 17 hours to get from station to station, without seeing water while passing over a salt plain, and carrying a heavy rifle. This wore my comrades out; Fred five miles from our destination and Pickett two and a half miles from it, but our weariness and confusion taught us some things that might be useful for the future. We fully realized here that we three were going to California alone, and over a route no gold seeker had ever passed, and that we were still far east of the Sierra Nevada mountains.

Sierra Nevada Range from the East
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e rested at this station until well in the afternoon, and had intended to stay until the next day, but we came to the conclusion that it was not safe to stay there because our party was so small and we knew there were Indians about. So about three o’clock in the afternoon we loaded up our oxen and went on up the little creek or rivulet that fed the lake (our trail led that way). These mountain streams have the feature of having more water in them up stream than downstream. We camped on this stream that night, having traveled only a few miles. This was a beautiful little creek with many salmon trout in it.

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ext morning we started off again still going up the creek, and all at once came to where a spur of the mountain butted out right against the creek, and we had to pass over this spur. When we got on top we saw that the creek had turned away from us, and here there was a fork in the trail with nothing to indicate to us which trail we should take. It was now four o’clock and we unfortunately chose the wrong trail and followed it until just before sunset, when we came to what we concluded was the crater of an extinct volcano[19]. After we had passed over this we came to some box elder trees and expected to find evidence of a creek or water there. There was only a dry creek with no water, and while we were consulting about what to do Pickett said in a low tone, “I saw an Indian’s head bob down behind that rock over there,” and indicating the rock. I said, “Let’s go to him,” and we all started directly towards the rock. Two Indians jumped up from behind the rock and started to run off. We stopped and called to them, and one of the party who had a tin cup made signs to indicate that we wanted water. They stopped and let us come up to them, and by signs and motions we understood them to try to tell us that water was to be found by going up on a nearby mountain and down the other side. We agreed to give each of the Indians half of a double blanket if they would pilot us to the water. They accepted and piloted us over and down the mountain, and there we came to Honey River[20].

Susan River, California near Honey Lake
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e traveled all night and part of the next day getting to it, and our cattle had become so thirsty before reaching it that when they were yet a mile from it they started to go so fast that we could hardly keep up with them and when they got to the river they went right into it. The water was deep and we got everything wet that the cattle carried, but our supply of goods was so small and of such a character that it did not do much damage. For some time our provisions had been only rice, coffee, hardtack and dried beef, but we had enough left to do us until we hoped to reach Shasta City.

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ur two Indian pilots stayed with us at Honey River until after breakfast. They relished our coffee greatly, but our dried beef was too salty for them. After we had taken several hours of rest and sleep, we decided as a precaution against treacherous Indians to move to another place before night. So in the afternoon we started off up the river, and about sunset of that day we were at the foot of the Sierra Nevada Mountains. We camped there for the night, and that night water froze in a bucket half an inch thick. We had struck our trail again when we reached the Honey River.

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fter we had camped here half an hour, 25 naked Indians came to visit us and took possession of our bed for the night, and we had to either sit up or lie on the ground. We did not dare disturb them. At daylight we got breakfast and made coffee for all those Indians. They drank it all and ate the coffee grounds up clean. They did not disturb us further, and we packed up and started on. I have often wondered why it was the Indians suffered us to camp over night and then move on unmolested in this country. We were always courteous toward them and this may have been the reason for our immunity. We assumed too much risk. Our escape from death or robbery was a surprise to all with whom I ever talked who had preceded us over the plains and mountains

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ext morning we started up the Sierra Nevada Mountains, or principal Rocky mountain range. Here we had a trail we could not get away from, and it took us about two days to get to the top. The descent on the west slope was much more gradual. The distance down was nearly 100 miles, heavily timbered with pine timber. When we were pretty well through this pine timber, or nearly down as I supposed, we lost the right trail, by taking the plainest trail – an Indian trail that led to a nice spring of water, and from this spring trails ran in every direction but the right way.

A Scene in the Lassen Wilderness
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he place was devoid of timber for several acres, as pine timber does not grow near water, and while discussing what to do an Indian wearing a U.S. soldier’s cap, but otherwise naked, and three other naked Indians and two Indian boys came up to us and acted friendly, and one of them offered us some roasted roots to eat. I took one and ate it and it tasted much like sweet potato. We hired the father of these two Indian boys by offering to each of the boys half of a double blanket, to pilot us to our trail again. The other accepted and the boys went ahead faster than we could go with our nearly worn out cattle. In half a day the boys got us through to Cow creek and waited until we came up. They gave us our direction by pointing down Cow creek, and here we were only half a mile from a camp of white cloth tents. There were a couple hundred of them in plain sight and we could see people moving about, but could not tell what they were or could be. While we were trying to make them out we heard a rooster crow in that direction, and we were satisfied that it was a camp of whites. We went down the creek toward the camp, which was on the opposite side, and there we stopped, and proceeded to arrange our camp for the night. Pickett crossed the creek to the camp to see if he could but something to eat different from our dried beef. He came back in a little while with a piece of pickled pork, some sugar and coffee. He learned that the U.S. government was building a fort there – Fort Reding[21].

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he men had told him that we must not camp where we had stopped, as it was not safe there on account of the Indians, as the Indians were bad in that country, and an officer had invited us to cross the creek and camp with them. We did not act on this invitation promptly and were much inclined not to accept it at all, because we were so ragged and dirty. The soles of my shoes were worn completely off under the balls of my feet, the tops of my shoes were torn open and the leather curled up, my clothes were worn through and we had had no haircuts nor shaves on the whole trip. After a little while an officer with six men came over to us and told us we must come into their camp, and we went. Next morning the officer gave us each a soldier’s ration for breakfast. The officers also told us that there was no grazing for our cattle at Shasta, and that we could leave them with the government herd at the post to graze, and when we wanted them we could come and get them, and it would cost us nothing. We left our cattle at the post and set out for Shasta City, 40 miles distant. We hoped to make it in one day, but did not quite do it. However, we got to

Shasta City
 a place called Lower Springs[22], only five miles short of Shasta, where there was a mining camp. There was a store, a bakery, two saloons and some miners’ cabins here.

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ere I saw the first gold dust I ever saw. The miners had just finished their day’s work and were coming home, and they showed us the fruits of the day’s labor in their prospecting pans. They said we must not camp where we had stopped (under a large burr oak tree outside the camp) on account of the Indians. We did not believe there was any danger and told them we had come alone 300 miles – through this bad Indian country and had not been molested. We did not act on the advice of the miners, but soon afterward the baker, who was German, the store keeper and one of the saloon keepers came to us and told us the Indians would kill us if we stayed there, and the baker said we could sleep in his bakery building. We slept in the bakery but the fleas greatly disturbed our rest. Next day we went to Shasta. Here I found my stepfather and on the next day I started in to work digging and washing gold. On the day before I had time

Panning for Gold
 to learn this trade by watching how the miners did it, and my stepfather assisted me in getting started. Mining claims were to be had for the selection of them, and a pan and a few days supply of provisions was all the assistance one needed to become a gold digger. My first day at mining here produced me an ounce of gold. This was on August 6, 1852.

The S.S. Golden Gate
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 remained in California, not all the time at Shasta, however, until March 15, 1858, when I left San Francisco[23]  on the steamer Golden Gate[24]  for home. We crossed the isthmus on the Panama railroad[25]. It was the first railroad I had ever seen. The fare across for the 49 miles was $50. I got home in April, 1858. I had made lots of money in California, but did not manage well to save it. When I was 21 years of age I had 50 pounds weight in gold, worth $10,000. In 1853, the year after I got to California, I sent home $2,000 in gold. This got home all right. Two weeks later I sent $1,200 more, but the last shipment was lost.

The Wreck of the S.S. Golden Gate in 1862

The End

William Horne at about 70 years old
Compiled and transcribed, with  illustrations and endnotes added by Troy Dockins, a great great grandson of William Horne

2013



[1] William Horne’s Father was George Jacob Horne. Born February 6, 1809 in Baden, Germany. He arrived in the US (presumably in New York) circa 1836. He married Magdalena Reifsteck circa 1832 in Germany and died circa 1842 in Grant County, WI
[2] William Horne’s Mother was Magdalena Reifsteck. Born circa 1812 in Baden, Germany. Daughter of Johann Christian Reifsteck and Christina Schoechlin
[3] William Horne’s Brother, Jacob Horne was born July 8, 1837 in Baden, Germany. He married Victoria Lang and had 4 children; Christina, Lewis, Sophia and William. Jacob died August 7, 1899 in Alma, KS
[4] We find Frederick Horne in the Shasta County, California, Naturalization Records dated March 28, 1856
[5] Council Bluffs is on the east bank of the Missouri River across from what is now Omaha, Nebraska. It was known until 1852 as Kanesville, Iowa — the historic starting point of the Mormon Trail and eventual northernmost anchor town of the other emigrant trails.
[6] The Pawnee lived along outlying tributaries of the Missouri River: the Platte, Loup and Republican rivers in permanent earth lodge villages where they farmed. They left the villages on seasonal buffalo hunts, using tipis while traveling. In the early 19th century, the Pawnee numbered about 10,000 people and were one of the largest and most powerful tribes on the Great Plains. They escaped early  exposure to Eurasian infectious diseases that impacted other Indian groups. But by 1859, their numbers had been reduced to about 1,400 people.
[7] Fort Laramie was a significant 19th century trading post located at the confluence of the Laramie River and the North Platte River in the upper Platte River Valley in the eastern part of the U.S. state of Wyoming. Founded in the 1830s to service the overland fur trade during the middle 19th century, it sat at the bottom of the long climb leading to the best and lowest crossing point at South Pass into western descending valleys and so was a primary stopping point on the Oregon Trail. Along with Bent's Fort on the Arkansas River, the trading post and its supporting industries and businesses were the most significant economic hub of commerce in the region.
[8] The Devil's Gate (Wyoming) is a natural rock formation, a gorge on the Sweetwater River a few miles southwest of Independence Rock. The site, significant in the history of western pioneers, was a major landmark on the Mormon Trail and the Oregon Trail although the actual routes of travel did not pass through the very narrow gorge.
[9] The Sweetwater provided an almost direct path from the Platte and North Platte Rivers to the wide South Pass Continental Divide between the Atlantic Ocean rivers and rivers that dumped in the Pacific Ocean. South Pass was the easiest pass across the Atlantic and Pacific drainages. These wagon trails crossed the meandering Sweetwater River about nine times on their about 10 to 20 day long trips along the Sweetwater River before they reached South Pass.
[10] This was the Sublette-Greenwood Cutoff (established 1844) that cut about 50 miles (80 km) off the main route through Fort Bridger. It left the main emigrant trail about 20 miles (32 km) from South Pass at Parting of the Ways junction and then headed almost due west. About ten miles (16 km) further they encountered Big Sandy River—about ten feet wide and one foot deep. This was the last water before crossing about 45 miles (72 km) of desert consisting of soft dry soil that rose in suffocating clouds before reaching the next water at the Green River.
[11] It is unclear whether this was the Lombard Ferry or another Mormon Ferry located further south on the Green River in Wyoming. After crossing the Green they then had to continue crossing mountain ranges where the trail gets over 8,000 feet (2,400 m) in several places before finally connecting with the main trail near today's Cokeville, Wyoming in the Bear River valley.
[12] The Humboldt River runs through northern Nevada. At approximately 330 miles (530 km) long it is the second longest river in the Great Basin, after the Bear River. It has no outlet to the ocean, but instead empties into the Humboldt Sink. It traversing roughly east to west, and passes through repeated gaps in the north-south running mountain ranges. It was the only natural transportation artery across the Great Basin, and provided the historical route for westward migration, railroads, and modern highways. The river is named for the German naturalist Alexander von Humboldt. In 1848 the river was explored by John C. Frémont, who made a thorough map of the region and gave the river its current name. The following year the river became the route of the California Trail, the primary land route for migrants to the California gold fields.
[13] Nobles Road. In 1851, William Nobles surveyed a shorter variation of the Applegate-Lassen trail. It was developed to make it easier to get to Shasta, California in the Central Valley and was first used in 1852. The route left the main trail near Lassen’s meadow (now Rye Patch Reservoir) in Nevada, bypassed most of the large Applegate-Lassen loop north almost to Goose Lake (Oregon-California) on the Oregon-California border. This route followed the Applegate-Lassen Trail to the Boiling Spring at Black Rock in Black Rock Desert and then went almost due west from there going on to Shasta, California in the Central Valley via Smoke Creek Desert to present day Honey Lake and present day Susanville, California before passing North of Mt. Lassen and on to Shasta (near present day Redding). The route today can be approximated by taking Nevada State Route 49 (Jungo Rd.) from Winnemucca, Nevada to Gerlach, Nevada and from there to Susanville, California via Smoke Creek Road. From there, California State Route 44 through Lassen Volcanic National Park to Redding, California approximates the rest of the trail. It depended upon springs for water, as there were no dependable creeks along most of the route. East of Mt. Lassen, it used part of Lassen's road in reverse over a distance of about 20 miles (32 km).
[14] Of the emigrants killed by Indians, about 90% were killed west of South Pass, mostly along the Snake and Humboldt Rivers or on the Applegate Trail to the southern end of the Willamette Valley.
[15] This hot spring was a significant destination for emigrants traveling along the Applegate Trail in the late 19th Century, as it was one of the few water stops known to the travelers.
[16] Possibly Trego Springs
[17] This area was likely the Smoke Creek Desert, an arid region of northwestern Nevada, USA that lies about 60 miles (97 km) to the north of Pyramid Lake, west of the Fox Range and east of the Smoke Creek Mountains. The southern end of the desert lies on the Pyramid Lake Indian Reservation, and a rail line lies at the eastern edge. The Smoke Creek Desert is southwest of the Black Rock Desert's South Playa and is between the Granite Range and the Fox Range.
[18] Possibly Granite Creek
[19] There appears to be a peak that fits this description on maps about 6 miles north of Honey Lake, Shaffer Mountain.
[20] Most likely the Susan River (named so in 1857) which drains into Honey Lake.
[21] Established on May 26,1852, this adobe built, two-company post was located on the west side of Cow Creek, about two and a half miles from its confluence with the Sacramento River at the present town of Redding in Shasta County was primarily intended to protect the mining district from Indian depredations.
[22] Lower Springs came to life in 1849 as Lower Reading Springs. It was one of Shasta County's first three important settlements; the other two were Shasta and Horsetown. It was first named Lower Reading Springs to distinguish it from nearby Upper Reading Springs, what Shasta was first called.
[23] Wm Horne married Sophia F. Leschnitz from Hanover, Germany in San Francisco in 1857
[24] The SS Golden Gate was a 269 foot long 2,067 ton wooden side-wheel steamer with 3 decks, 3 masts, a round stern, & a spread-eagle head.  Her first run to San Francisco left New York in September 1851 and arrived in the City on November 19, 1851. San Francisco press hailed her as "the largest and swiftest steamer in our waters." The ship, while fast, was plagued with problems, including an outbreak of cholera in 1852, which resulted in 29 deaths (a second source reports 84 deaths). In 1853, she nearly collided with the Vanderbilt steamship Sierra Nevada off the coast of Mexico, her shaft cracked twice, and she went aground at Point Loma in 1854. Her end came on July 27, 1862 between San Francisco and Panama, about 15 miles from Manzanillo, Mexico, when fire was discovered in the engine room, and the vessel was headed for what is now called Playa de Oro to beach. Many of the passengers sought refuge in the stern, but the flames spread in that direction, and when boats were launched in the heavy surf the occupants were crushed against the ship or drowned; the ship broke up in the surf. Reports of between 175 and 223 passengers and crew lost their lives, together with the baggage, mail, and nearly all the cargo of $1.4 million in specie [gold coin].
[25] Construction on the Panama Railroad began in 1850 and on January 28, 1855 the world’s first transcontinental train ran from ocean to ocean. By 1858 the cargoes transferred by railroad between the two ports had an annual value of $2,000,000.  The limited capacity of the railroad was a challenge for the company. In order to buy time for upgrade, the management implemented a prohibitively expensive rate card to curtail the traffic.

Monday, April 8, 2013

Anthony Daniel O'Connell O'Neill and Elizabeth Helen Williamson Carson

This entry is prompted by something of a double family anniversary...the death of Anthony D. O. O'Neill on April 5, 1902 and the birthday of his wife, Elizabeth H. W. Carson on April 8, 1838. In 2012, an entry  on Elizabeth and the Carson family was entered and can be found here.

Anthony Daniel O'Connell O'Neill in his later years
O’Neill Name History

The O’Neill or Uí Néill (descendants of Niall) are Irish and Scottish dynasties who claim descent from Niall Noigiallach (Niall of the Nine Hostages), a historical King of Tara who died about 405. The first generation of the Uí Néill were his sons, seven in all:
  • Conall Gulban, ancestor of the Cenél Conaill dynasty.
  • Éndae, ancestor of the Cenél nÉndai
  • Eógan, ancestor of the Cenél nEógain dynasty.
  • Coirpre, ancestor of the Cenél Coirpri dynasty.
  • Lóegaire, ancestor of the Cenél Lóegaire dynasty.
  • Conall Cremthainne, ancestor of the Clann Cholmáin and Síl nÁedo Sláine.
  • Fiachu, ancestor of the Cenél Fiachach.
 All these men were in their lifetime known as members of The Connachta dynasty, or as "the sons of Niall." The term Uí Néill did not - by its very nature - come into use until the time of Niall's grandsons and great-grandsons. Dynasties descended from the Uí Néill, such as the Cenél Conaill and Cenél nEógain, held power in Ulster until their defeat in the Nine Years War in 1603. The heads of the families left for Catholic Europe in 1607, an event known as the Flight of the Earls. –from Wikipedia

Anthony F. O’Neill

Anthony F. O’Neill was born in Ireland circa 1780. Some accounts speculate that his wife’s maiden name was O’Connell (in that their first son, Anthony Daniel, has O’Connell as a middle name). I would also speculate that her first name was Sarah given that A.D. O’Neill’s 1st daughter was named Mary Catherine (for his wife’s Mother) and the 2nd daughter named Sarah Elizabeth. However, while the O’Connell surname is certainly a possibility, an equally likely possibility is that Anthony was named for the famed Irish political leader Daniel O’Connell (1775-1847). Anthony Daniel O’Connell O’Neill was born near Waterford, Ireland. Anthony F. and his wife had three sons and two or more daughters:

  • Anthony Daniel born September 4, 1833
  • David O’Neill was born circa 1835 to 1838
  • John O’Neill born circa 1837

Grave marker of Anthony Francis O'Neill (c. 1780-1867)

Waterford, Ireland

The 18th and 19th centuries saw the expansion of Waterford’s Adephi port as industrialization gathered pace with the processing of agricultural produce from the surrounding areas.  Passengers also left from the docks to work the cod fisheries or immigrate to America.  By about 1800 Waterford was a booming port; in the 19th century Waterford had the biggest shipbuilding yards in Ireland.  Waterford-built ships sailed the seas with five transatlantic passenger liners built at Waterford for the London-Le Havre-New York line.  Another booming industry was that of Denny’s Bacon - two thirds of the exports of Irish bacon and ham in 1860 were exported from Waterford.

Emigrants leaving Ireland
O’Neill Departure from Ireland
In 1842, Anthony F. O’Neill and his three sons left Waterford, Ireland for America. They departed about 5 years before the massive Irish exodus tied to the potato famine. Still, between 1815 and 1845 about 1 million people left Ireland. The existence of large ocean liners had yet to come so presumably their crossing was upon a smaller sailing vessel. Typically these voyages took between 40 and 90 days depending upon the wind. Family stories tell that they hid in a hogshead (a large wooden cask used to hold alcohol) to avoid detection by the English crew. If this is indeed true, it is difficult to imagine how they coped once discovered or how they simply survived the presumably 2 month voyage in conditions where water was closely rationed and buck space was often limited and crowded.
The mother and daughters stayed behind in Ireland. Anthony F. felt that while it was safe to raise girls in Ireland, he did not want his sons to be drafted into the English Army to fight against the Irish. The creation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain & Ireland in 1800 with the “Act of Union” increased levels of Irish conscription into the British Army with some estimates that prior to the potato famine some 50% of the British Army were recruited in Ireland. The Irish constituted as much as two-thirds of the British Army by 1860, and bitter memories of the English repression of the Irish rebellion of 1798 which resulted in some 30,000 victims in 3 1/2 months all suggest that the elder Anthony’s fears were likely not unfounded.
Anthony Daniel, his father and brothers and most of their children harbored deep prejudices against the English even in later years in America. Anthony F. and his sons sent money back to Ireland for their Mother’s support throughout their lives. Anthony Daniel received letters from his Mother even after Anthony F.’s death in 1867 and he continued to provide her with support in her later years. The date of her death is unknown but was sometime after 1867.
O’Neill Arrival in America

Anthony F. O’Neill was a butcher by trade and worked as a butcher in Baltimore, Maryland after arriving in America. Young Anthony Daniel was apprenticed out to another Baltimore butcher, Andrew Turner, for five years and learned the butcher trade as well. Anthony Daniel would have been about ten years old and attended school in Baltimore also. The O’Neill family lived together in a boarding house. By fifteen years old, Anthony Daniel was a journeyman butcher and for the next three years he and his father worked variously in Philadelphia, New York and Charleston, South Carolina. Sometime later, they came to rapidly growing Chattanooga, Tennessee; then a boom town following the arrival of the railroad in 1850. They worked in a slaughterhouse owned by John Devine, where they processed cattle, sheep and hogs.


A circa 1850 Butcher sharpening his knife
O’Neill in Chattanooga, Tennessee
In Chattanooga, Anthony Daniel O’Connell O’Neill met Elizabeth H. W. Carson. They were married June 10, 1852. Anthony was not yet nineteen years old and Elizabeth was only fourteen years old. Elizabeth was born near Ashville, in Haywood County, North Carolina on April 8, 1838, (although her headstone indicates her birthplace as Newport, Tennessee). She was the daughter of Andrew Jackson Carson (born March 16, 1820) and Mary Catherine Polly Williamson (born September 26, 1820). Andrew and Mary Catherine were about eighteen years old when Elizabeth, their first child, was born.

Early Chattanooga, Tennessee
They left North Carolina for Tennessee when Elizabeth was three months old. Mary Catherine rode a mule and carried the baby across the Blue Ridge Mountains. They made their home near Chattanooga where some other Carson family members lived. Although, 1850 census records indicate they were actually outside Murfreesboro, north of Chattanooga, which is where Andrew’s brother, Robert, and sisters, Judith and Adeline, are also found on census records. After Andrew Jackson Carson’s death in 1860 many of the family, including his widow, Mary Catherine Carson, migrated south and settled in Walker County, Georgia; south of Lookout Mountain. We find residence in this area of many other associated families like the Filbys, Fewells, Dockins, Carsons and others.
Charcoal Portrait of Elizabeth Helen Williamson Carson

Birth & Family of Mary Catherine O’Neill
Anthony Daniel O’Connell O’Neill owned six acres of land near Chattanooga. Apparently, Anthony enjoyed drinking and would sometimes stay out nights. Elizabeth one night rigged a bucket of water so that when he came in one late night and opened the door it dumped onto him. It was one of the few times she ever pulled a joke on anyone. Elizabeth rarely joked. Her photographs show a stern and unsmiling woman. Anthony and Elizabeth’s first child, Mary Catherine O’Neill was born in Chattanooga on November 17, 1853.

Lecompton Kansas in 1856
O’Neills Head West and Settle in Kansas
The Kansas Territory opened for settlement after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854. In the early spring of 1855 the O’Neill family left Tennessee in an ox cart. They stopped in Illinois that summer and put in a crop. Sarah Elizabeth O’Neill was born in Illinois on August 26, 1855. Sarah was a small woman and she never married. We find her in the 1910 census living with her Uncle James Washington Carson. In 1856, the O’Neills came to Kansas; although the 1859 census lists their arrival as 1855 with 5 in the family. Their first stop was Lecompton, the territorial capital of Kansas. There Anthony operated a butcher shop and located cornerstones for newcomers. Judith C. O’Neill was born here on July 13, 1857. Anthony filed a land claim about six miles from town in the Clinton locality of Douglas County. His father, Anthony F., also came to Kansas in about 1857 and took up a claim nearby. On Anthony Daniel’s claim the family lived in a log house with a fireplace. On cold nights they would drape quilts and blankets in a circle around the fireplace to try to stay warm. One day Anthony was away helping a neighbor, Mr. Bidgood, dig a well. When he returned home that night his clothes were covered with ice. The O’Neills were only a few miles west of Lawrence, Kansas during the Sack of Lawrence in 1856, but had left the area by the time of Quantrill’s Raid in 1863.
Map of Davis (later Geary) County showing Humbodt and McDowell Creeks
First O’Neill Children born in Kansas
In Douglas County, Kansas was born Anthony Andrew O’Neill on September 13, 1859; our ancestor Martha Jane O’Neill on March 22, 1861; and Margaret Adeline O’Neill on January 17, 1863. In 1862, Anthony Daniel O’Neill, Thomas Lee Brown, Alex Davis, and a Mr. Ryecroft made a trip to Davis County (later renamed Geary County) in an oxcart, staked out and filed land claims. In March of 1863 the O’Neill family: Anthony, Elizabeth and six children: Catherine age 9, Sarah age 7, Judith age 5, Andrew age 3, Martha Jane age 2 and Margaret Adeline about 3 months old, left for Davis County with one team of oxen, one team of horses, a cow or two and a few sheep. When they arrived they found their claim had been filed on land claimed by the railroad. This land was near the John Wallace place on Humboldt Creek outside Junction City. In the summer of 1863 Anthony traded a pair of Pennsylvania mares to William E. Poole for 80 acres on upper McDowell Creek, near Manhattan, where the family finally settled. He traded Mr. Poole a cow for a tent in which the family lived that summer. In the 1909 plat map of Jackson Township in Geary County we find the farms of the O’Neill children and other associated families.
Jackson Township, Kansas plat map with notes on O'Neill and other families
Death in the O’Neill Family
In the fall of 1863 Anthony put a roof over a log frame that was already on the claim. Elizabeth caulked the cracks with cow chips and mud. A local boy from the Wallace family died of scarlet fever. Margaret Adeline, the baby, caught the fever as well and died January 23, 1864…she was 1 year and six days old. Owen Roe O’Neill was born March 6, 1864 and died in the fall on October 7, 1864. Both Margaret Adeline and Owen Roe were buried in a home cemetery on the family place in a timbered area north of the creek near the boundary of the property.
The old O'Neill place on McDowell Creek.
O’Neills and Civil War in Kansas
In the fall of 1864, Anthony O’Neill, Charles Briggs, Bruce Monfort and William D. Poole were starting a new saw mill when word came that a squad of Union soldiers from Fort Leavenworth were gathering up all available men. Anthony did not want to leave his family unprotected and wanted to resist conscription but the family convinced him to go as refusal to go along with the soldiers likely meant imprisonment or worse. So Elizabeth and the five children, along with Grandfather Anthony F. O’Neill who had come to live with them, were left on their own that winter. Anthony F. was 84 years old and not much help, he would die three years later in 1867. However, he could still handle the ox team and wagon and go gather firewood to heat the house. One day, Anthony F. was riding an old mare, Sock, when she put her head down to drink at the creek Anthony F. fell off and broke his shoulder blade. He left the family for a few days and returned with his shoulder and arm wrapped and bandaged.
Anthony D. O’Neill Service at Fort Riley
The four men that were taken by the Union Army spent the winter of 1864-1865 at Fort Riley. They were to be trained as Home Guards. Charlie Briggs was a Captain and about all he did was holler and cuss. They actually had a good time, because they all knew Charlie, and they didn’t much care about their duties, and neither did Charlie. When they were dismissed in the spring, this was the discharge orders Old Charlie gave them: “Disperse! Ride like hell for home and stay there! You Goddamn Sons of Bitches…Don’t come back.”

Fort Riley, Kansas 1861
Kansas Frontier Life
Sometimes Anthony O’Neill worked for William Poole for 50 cents a day and bought corn for 50 cents a bushel which he would ground at Mitchell’s Mill on Lower Clark’s Creek. The mill was operated by John Phelps. They would thrash rye, then wash and roast it for coffee. They cooked citron with sorghum on their cornbread too. They raised black-eyed peas for food. Anthony made rollers to take the cotton they raised, so it could be used for mattresses. They spun thread from wool and wove cloth for clothing. They also pulled iron weed to make thread for doll clothes.


The Anthony D. O. O'Neill family circa 1775
Back row: Emma Elizabeth, Sarah Elizabeth, Martha Jane, Anthony Andrew, Judith Caroline
Middle row: Mary Catherine, Anthony Daniel, Elizabeth Helen
Front row: Rose Helen, James Alexander, Thomas Matthew, David Edward, Theresa Matilda
Sources

Much of the basis for this history came from a family history letter I received from a family member in Kansas that chronicled the life of Anthony O'Neill. I added additional information as I found it.

Wednesday, February 27, 2013

Death of Maria Feliciana Arballo

 
Much has been written concerning Maria Feliciana Arballo or Arbayo. She is my 6th Great Grandmother and was born in 1755, presumably at San Miguel de Culiacan, in Sinaloa, Mexico. Feliciana is well known as "the Bold Widow" or "the Merry Widow" of the 2nd Anza Expedition of 1776. Feliciana died after November 5, 1818 in San Diego, of old Alta California; likely just before the end of the Mexican War of Independence from Spain in 1821.




 

Tubac Presidio circa 1775
Her birthplace, San Miguel de Culiacan was founded in 1531 by the Spanish Conquistador Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán. That same decade, it was the end place of the nearly 10 year long journey of Cabeza de Vaca and few survivors of Narváez Expedition. In 1540, the Spanish explorer Francisco Vásquez de Coronado set out from Culiacán to explore what is now the southwestern United States in his fruitless search for the famed city of gold, Cibola. Settlers from Europe came to Culiacán, and in the following centuries, Culiacán grew in population but existed as a quiet village. In 1775, the Viceroy of New Spain authorized Juan Bautista de Anza, the commander of the Tubac Presidio, to lead a 2nd expedition north to establish a presidio and mission at present-day San Francisco. Anza enlisted volunteers in various villages and areas around Culiacán, Mexico, and the selected recruits gathered at the Presidio of San Miguel de Horcasitas, Sonora’s provincial capital. José Joaquin Moraga was Anza’s lieutenant and Franciscan Friar Pedro Font was the expedition chaplain. Two other Franciscan Missionaries, Fathers Garcés and Exiarch, were to accompany the expedition as far as the crossing of the Colorado River at Yuma. The expedition’s final staging area was at Tubac. Just three weeks prior to the expedition’s arrival there, an Apache Indian attack drove off a herd of about 500 horses, which forced the group to depart without needed fresh mounts. Supplies included six tons of flour, beans, cornmeal, sugar, and chocolate, which were loaded onto, and off of, pack mules every day. Other necessaries, from shelter and sleeping supplies to cooking kettles to iron needed for making horseshoes, added yet more tonnage. 
Juan Bautista de Anza by Fray Orsi 1774
While many accounts indicate that Maria Feliciana Arballo was born in Sinaloa, Mexico some other accounts claim that she was born in Spain. By either account, it has been traditionally indicated that Feliciana came from a well to do Spanish family and that she had defied her parents and the social mores of the time by marrying below her caste level, to Juan Jose Gutierrez in 1768, when Feliciana was but 13 years old. Gutierrez was a mestizo (mixed Indian and Spanish blood) soldier in Captain Anza's service. Their marriage and the difficulties a "mixed" marriage such as this might have produced could have played some part in the Gutierrez family's decision to join the second Anza Expedition to California, when Feliciana was 20 years old with her husband and two young daughters, as it provided a possible chance to escape the existing rigid class society that based much upon skin color and race. Typically, most expedition members were recruited from impoverished mixed race families. They were paid the equivalent of two years sailor's wages, promised five years of rations, provided with camp gear, clothing, livestock and weapons, and possible land grants in the new territory; all authorized and funded by the Spanish Crown.
A recent historical discovery at the Cathedral of Culiacan, the wedding records of Maria Feliciana Arballo and Juan Jose Gutierrez describe Feliciana as a "mulata libre”, or a free black woman of either African or mixed African and Hispanic ancestry. If this is a more accurate description of Feliciana's racial heritage, then the story and shock of a high born woman of Spanish descent marrying a mestizo soldier is understandably lessened. The classification of race throughout this period varies widely among the records of soldiers, settlers and families. In some cases, individuals race evolved over the course of time, some eventually achieving the coveted designation of “Espanol”, which indicated pure Spanish blood. In some cases, siblings from the same families would have differing racial designations which indicates that there was likely no proscribed system for classification or that it was left to the determination of the recorder. Other considerations that came into play were later Alta California presidial requirements that a certain percentage of “Espanol” soldiers be enlisted in the ranks. So simply reclassifying a mestizo soldier to an Espanol designation benefitted both the individual socially, and the presidio's company when records were conveyed to the powers of New Spain.
Just weeks prior to the expedition’s departure, Feliciana's husband, Juan Jose Gutierrez, was killed during an Apache Indian attack. Whether this attack was the same as the one where the expedition lost their horses is unclear. Gutierrez' death, under normal circumstances, would have disqualified Feliciana and her daughters from now accompanying the expedition as they would be without the protection and guidance of a male family leader. It is unknown what arrangements, arguments or pleadings Feliciana Arballo used but de Anza let the widow and her daughters remain as part of the expedition even in the face of the strenuous protest and objections of the Expedition's religious leader Fray Pedro Font. Feliciana's problems with Fray Font would continue during the long trip to California, as indicated by other instances of Font's rebukes and criticisms of the young widow (and of continuing complaints made to Anza during the course of the journey). Regardless, the young widow Arballo made the trip north on horseback with her two daughters, 6 year old María Tomasa Gutierrez, and 4 year old María Estaquia Gutierrez; the one child before her and one behind.
Anza's list from September 1775 shows Feliciana in the following grouping: Agustin de Velenzuela, 30; Petra Ignacia de Ochoa, 20; Maria Seferina Valenzuela, 3; Maria Feliciana Arballo, 25; Maria Tomasa (Gutierrez), 4; and Maria Eustaquia (Gutierrez). This group is stated as being recruited on April 6th, 1775. Other notable members of the 1776 Expedition (as it applies to this history specifically), were the family members of Santiago de la Cruz Pico, whose son José María Pico would marry Feliciana's daughter María Estaquia Gutierrez some thirteen years later, and who she likely came to know as a boy of eleven years old, while he accompanied his family on the Expedition. Jose Maria Pico and Maria Estaquia Gutierrez would become the parents of Pio Pico, the last Mexican governor of California, and Mexican General Andres Pico. Also of interest is the family of the soldier Ignacio María Gutierrez, with his wife, Ana María de Osuna, and their three children. It seems quite possible that Ignacio Gutierrez was potentially a relative of Feliciana's deceased husband Juan Jose Gutierrez. Whether this is true or that it had any additional bearing upon Maria Feliciana Arballo being permitted to remain with the Expedition is unknown.

Mural Fragment of a Franciscan Friar
Perhaps the most notorious and well documented altercation between Feliciana Arballo and Fray Font came on December 17, 1775 when the parties of the expedition, who had separated over a week earlier at the Santa Olalla camp, south of Imperial County, rejoined. Anza had divided them into groups to avoid depleting the limited water sources that were available; the three groups, plus a fourth of the vaqueros and cattle, made the trek separately. An additional reason for separating the vaqueros may have been the difficulties and dangers of controlling the large herd of longhorn cattle. Following a treacherous river crossing, the expedition made camp near the present Salton Sea (which did not exist at this time). The expedition had lost numerous livestock to exhaustion, starvation and thirst during this unusually cold and harsh winter of 1775. Yet many travelers who had been ill had seemed to improve in health during the march, "…may God be thanked," said Font. That night at their camp on San Felipe Creek "with the joy at the arrival of all the people, they held a fandango [a jubilant Andalusian-style dance and feast]," wrote Font. But to the irritation of the strict friar, who himself had been sick and ill tempered for much of the journey, the colonists celebrated with bawdy songs led by Maria Feliciana Arballo herself. The fandango was described by Font as "somewhat discordant, and a very bold widow who came with the expedition sang some verses which were not at all nice, applauded and cheered by all the crowd."  
San Felipe Creek. Site of the celebratory fandango.
Font made no secret of his preference for prayer as appropriate celebration over drink and dance. At his next Mass, Fray Font further scolded the colonists for their behavior. "I said Mass and in it spoke a few words about the fandango of last night, censuring the performance, saying that instead of thanking God for having arrived with their lives and not having died from such hardship, as the animals did, it appeared that they were making such festivities in honor of the Devil. I do not think the commander liked this very much, for he did not speak to me once during the whole morning." In yet another instance, after an earthquake near the Mojave Desert, Font said it was "retribution for the coquetry of Dona Maria." In Font’s opinion, it is clear that Feliciana Arballo, "the Bold Widow", did not play the traditional and required submissive and modest role assigned to women of her time and that she, by dancing and singing in public, rejected the social controls that normally governed Spanish women's actions.
 
Mission San Gabriel
The Anza Expedition reached San Gabriel on February 21st, 1776 for rest and resupply for their continuing journey to Monterey. Whether due to Feliciana's having reached a point where she no longer wished to continue her confrontations with Pedro Font or if there was truly a romantic interest, Maria Feliciana Arballo was courted by, and caused yet another minor sensation by leaving the Expedition, and quickly married another mestizo soldier stationed at San Gabriel, Juan Francisco Lopez, on April 7th, 1776. Lopez was a native of Baja California who had came with the Portola Expedition to establish missions and presidios in California with Francisco Serra in 1769. The marriage ceremony was performed by Fray Francisco Garces, the missionary who de Anza had left at the confluence of the Gila and Colorado Rivers and sent up the Colorado River to meet and convert the Mojave Indians. Garces rejoined the group at San Gabriel. Fray Garces was killed 3 years later in the Yuma uprising of 1779. Among the witnesses to the Lopez Arballo marriage were the California Indian Sebastian Tarabal, a member of Portola's 1769 expedition who had previously fled Mission San Gabriel, with his wife, to Sonora and served Anza as a guide on both expeditions; Anza expedition member Ignacio María Gutierrez who was perhaps her brother in law or relative of her first husband; also present was my 8th Great Grandfather, Juan Jose Dominguez, another Portola expeditioneer and the later grantee of the 75,000 acre Rancho San Pedro in 1784. And so again, Arballo defied, not once but twice, (if she was indeed of pure Spanish descent) the caste and strict color constraints of Hispanic culture by marrying soldiers both of whom were of mestizo or mixed blood. Feliciana married beneath her class and caste, defied priest's advice, resisted male authority and direction, and continually and repeatedly acted boldly in the public sphere, effectively subverting the gender requirements of proper behavior for a woman of her time.

A Presidio Soldier 1778
While Maria Feliciana Arballo was certainly unusual for her gender and willful independence and defiance of one of the Expedition's leaders, she did have the seeming and continued support from the chief commander of the Expedition in Captain de Anza who saw her as an important morale booster for the company. During the earlier fandango, another member of the expedition who was escorting the young widow, apparently was also offended by Arballo's celebration and chastised her and even physically abused her in front of the party. De Anza is said to have come out of his tent, stepped in and stopped the man's abuse of Arballo. Fray Font wrote that "The Commandeer, hearing of this, sallied forth from his tent and reprimanded the man for chastizing her." Fray Font interjected that "Leave him alone, sir, he is doing just right!" De Anza replied that "No, Father, I cannot permit such excesses while I am present." Fray's final criticism of de Anza comments that "He [de Anza] guarded against these excesses, indeed, but not against the scandal of the fandango, which lasted until very late." Like de Anza, most missionaries (although clearly not Pedro Font) and military officers alike acknowledged the necessity of women's presence as a predominant factor in the success of any colonization effort.

Another interesting episode of a disagreement between Font and Anza is recorded in Fray Font's diary where he protests Anza distribution of brandy to the soldiers on Christmas Eve:
I learned at night that because it was Christmas Eve refreshments were being given to the soldiers; and in order if possible to prevent a drunken carousal, after dinner I said to the commander: "Sir, although my opinion is of no value and I do not cut any figure here, I can do no less than to tell you that I have learned that there is drinking today."
"Yes, there is," he replied.
"Well, Sir," I continued, "I wish to say that it does not seem to me right that we should celebrate the birth of the Infant Jesus with drunkenness."
"Father," he said, "I do not give it to them in order that they may get drunk."
"Clearly this would be the case," I said to him, "because then the sin would be even greater, but if you know that they are sure to get drunk you should not give it to them."
He said to me then. "The king sends it for me and they deliver it to me in order that I may give it to the soldiers."
"This would be all right at the proper time," I replied. "But I understand that to be in ease of necessity."
"Well, Father," he said, "it is better that they should get drunk than to do some other things."
"But, Sir," I replied, "drunkenness is a sin, and one who cooperates also sins, and so if you know that a person will get drunk on so much you should give him less, or none at all."
He did not say any more and I went to my tent without being able to prevent this disorder, because the commander had already made up his mind to distribute the liquor. And so he immediately gave it to the people, a pint to each one, saying in a loud voice:"Be careful that you don't get drunk, because if any one is found drunk outside of his tent I'll punish him."
With this he satisfied his conscience, and the people that night were very noisy, singing and dancing from the effects of the liquor, not caring that we were in so bad a mountain in the rain, and so delayed with the saddle animals and the tired and dead cattle. Such is the rule of those absolute lords, in evidence of which I have related this incident.
Alta California was a vast unpopulated land in 1775. The 2nd Anza Expedition effectively doubled the population of the territory and brought much needed new blood and potential for familial interaction that was sorely limited. Alongside agriculture, hunting, horsemanship and other ostensibly male dominated practices and diversions; practices of brutal, sexual violent attacks were perpetrated against females regularly (especially native women), whether in the form of rape, beatings or outright murder, often with little risk of punishment or interest in pursuing the perpetrators. Arballo, in some ways, did more than simply defy Fray Font's attempts to control her actions and attitude. In a sense she transposed their positions of power in a way that allowed her, arguably among the weakest and least valued in the company, to assume a voice that allowed her a level of power and strength in a society where women, and certainly a widowed woman, typically lacked any voice or say concerning any decisions that were to be made. While Feliciana's actions, disobedience and resistance to the existing power structure may only have stemmed from a spirit too strong to be subdued and were only examples of her being the person that she was. Her actions in today's view reaches somewhat into an almost political realm. By acting publically and succeeding in many cases, despite punishments, rebukes and even disdain from women within her own social class, Feliciana Arballo showed by example that the new world had indeed been reached and that while the road ahead was still a rocky one by any standards there were new opportunities for women to achieve and have a say, in at least some small part, their own destiny and future. It is all the more impressive considering what women of all castes and races risked during this early era of California history.
As mentioned previously, Feliciana’s daughter María Estaquia Gutierrez married José María Pico, the parents of Pio Pico. Her second daughter with Juan Jose Gutierrez, Maria Tomasa, married Juan Jose Sepulveda, another early progenitor of one of the most prominent Spanish-Mexican families in the early days of California.
Jose Joaquin Juan Pedro Verdugo and Maria Basilia Perez
Maria Feliciana Arballo's life after her marriage to Juan Francisco Lopez, while surely as rich and varied as her earlier life, has proven to be is much less documented with such detail.
  • My 6th Great Grandparents Maria Feliciana Arballo and Spanish soldier Juan Francisco Lopez were the parents of:
  • My 5th Great Grandmother Maria Josefa Benita Lopez. Maria Josefa Benita Lopez and Francisco Salvador Vejar (or Bejar) were the parents of:
  • My 4th Great Grandmother Maria Josefa Magdalena Vejar . Maria Josefa Magadalena Vejar and Jose Joaquin Verdugo (or Berdugo) were the parents of:
  • My 3rd Great Grandfather Jose Joaquin Juan Pedro Verdugo. Jose Joaquin Juan Pedro Verdugo and Maria Basilia Perez were the parents of:
  • My Great Great Grandmother Mauricia Verdugo. Mauricia Verdugo and Jose Martin Morales Cruz were the parents of:
  • My Great Grandmother Rosa Cruz. Rosa Cruz and Reginaldo Vejar (also a descendant of Maria Feliciana Arballo) were the parents of:
  • My Grandmother Henrietta Josefina Vejar. However, there are conflicting family opinions about Henrietta's birth Father. Her birth certificate is said to indicate Vejar as the father and there is indeed a record of marriage for Rosa Cruz to Reginaldo Vejar; but my mother told me that Henrietta's father was actually Henry (Enrique) Cesena of Ensenada, Mexico. I have been unable to find much in the way of documentation on this relationship, nor on the Cesena family, in general. Henrietta Josefina Vejar (or Cesena) and Robert George Metcalf were the parents of:
  • My Mother, Barbara Jean Metcalfe. Barbara Jean Metcalfe and Donald Martin Dockins are my parents.
Rosa Cruz, seated, with Albertina Verdugo
Besides my grandmother, Maria Josefa Benita Lopez born on April 3, 1784 in Mission San Juan Capistrano, Alta California the other children of Juan Francisco Lopez and his wife Maria Feliciana Arballo were:
  • Son Ignacio Maria (Becino) De Jesus Lopez born: May 31, 1778 in Mission San Diego, Alta California. He married Maria Timotea Villalobo on May 20, 1804 at Mission San Diego, Alta California.
  • Daughter Margarita Antonia Ventura Lopez born: July 21, 1781
  • Daughter Maria Josefa Inocencia Lopez born: December 28, 1782
  • Son Juan Jose Lopez born: December 27, 1786 in Mission San Juan Capistrano, Alta California. He married Maria Eduvigis de Arce.
  • Daughter Maria Antonia Lopez born: May 10, 1789
  • Daughter Maria Juliana Josefa Lopez born: March 16, 1781 in Mission San Diego, Alta California. She married Juan Maria Osuna on February 15, 1806 in San Diego. Osuna was a soldier and corporal of the San Diego Company and settled in San Diego and took part in the Mexican Revolution of 1831. After retiring as a corporal, Osuna and his family were the first to build on the plain outside the Presidio of San Diego. Later, Juan María Osuna was granted Rancho San Dieguito, 25 miles north of San Diego along the coast, during 1836–1845. He raised cattle and horses on the ranch. Their daughter’s Felipa married Juan María Marrón, and Luguarda married José María Alvarado.
  • Daughter Maria Ignacia De La Candelaria Lopez born: January 31, 1793 in Royal Presidio of San Diego, Alta California. She married Joaquin Carrillo of San Diego, and was the mother of Francisca Benicia Carrillo who married General Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo on March 6, 1832 in the Chapel of the Presidio of San Diego. After her husband's death María Ignacia Lopez de Carrillo, was granted, in 1841, the Rancho Cabeza de Santa Rosa in Sonoma County, where she lived with her son Ramon. She is buried in the ruined mission of San Francisco Solano, at Sonoma. Her remains were laid under the font where it would receive the holy water that fell from the hands of devout worshippers.

So, in the end, Maria Feliciana Arballo played an integral part in the early days of Alta California and is the ancestress of many, many California families. The Lopez, Vejar, and Verdugo families are my direct ties but the many other families include Sepulveda, Osuna, Carrillo, Vallejo, Marron and Alvarado to name but a few.

Any corrections or additional information you may have to offer this account is most welcome.